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› Find signed collectible books: '1984'
En esta novela encontramos al lider unico cuya presencia es ante todo una abstraccion, la negacion del individuo, la sustraccion de la informacion: el Gran Hermano. Es, al mismo tiempo, una advertencia y un deseo. El autor ha construido una metafora del imaginario social del siglo XX, al describir un pais carcelario, vigilado por un lugar desde donde se ve a el y a todos. [via]

› Find signed collectible books: 'The Awakening of American Nationalism: 1815 - 1828'
A felicitous and fresh retelling of the story of the emergence of American nationalism! By any criteria the years following the Peace of Ghent, a period inaugurated by what has been superficially called " the era of good feelings," must be considered a time of exceptional growth and development in the United States. Above all, it may be considered a time of the evolution and ripening of American nationalism. It is the special virtue of Dangerfield's brilliant synthesis of the period that he manages to keep the focus on this central theme--the contest between the economic nationalism expounded by Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams and the democratic nationalism exemplified by the partisans of Andrew Jackson. That he does so without neglecting America's role in world affairs and particularly the growing economic rivalry with Great Britain, nor without minimizing the parts played by the leading actors on the national stage, attests the balanced judgment and sense of proportion that are evident throughout the volume. It is the confrontation of American economic nationalism with the Liberal Toryism of Lord Liverpool and William Huskisson that this book delineates with exceptional brilliance and depth. Dangerfield, a master craftsman, skillfully weaves many different threads into one magnificent tapestry. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Balkan Ghosts: A Journey Through History'
From the assassination that triggered World War I to the ethnic warfare now sweeping Serbia, Bosnia, and Croatia, the Balkans have been the crucible of the twentieth century, the place where terrorism and genocide first became tools of policy.
This enthralling and often chilling political travelogue fully deciphers the Balkans' ancient passions and intractable hatreds for outsiders. For as Kaplan travels among the vibrantly-adorned churches and soul-destroying slums of the former Yugoslavia, Albania, Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece, he allows us to see the region's history as a time warp in which Slobodan Milosevic becomes the reincarnation of a fourteenth-century Serbian martyr; Nicolae Ceaucescu is called "Drac," or "the Devil"; and the one-time Soviet Union turns out to be a continuation of the Ottoman Empire. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Balkans: Nationalism, War & the Great Powers, 1804-1999'
The history of the Balkan states, like that of so much of the world, has for centuries been marked by ethnocidal fracases, savage wars of conquest, and periods of eerie calm. The mountainous region's shifting alliances and divisions have long puzzled outside observers, writes journalist Misha Glenny, the author of The Fall of Yugoslavia: "For many decades, Westerners gazed on these lands as if [they were] an ill-charted zone separating Europe's well-ordered civilization from the chaos of the Orient."
Those outsiders, Glenny suggests, have been the source of much of the Balkans' misery. In only the last two centuries, the territory has been contested by the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires, the Third Reich, and the Allies, all of whom exploited and exacerbated existing ethnic conflict. (The Nazi occupiers of Croatia, he writes, even had to rein in the fascist Ustase militia for fear that their campaign against Serbs and Muslims would only strengthen resistance to their puppet government.) And, he continues, attempts to quell the recent conflict in Bosnia have created problems of their own. He argues that war will break out anew the moment international troops are withdrawn and that the Dayton Agreement is too "full of anomalies and frictions" to stand. The intervention in Kosovo has been no better, he adds, and the Allies' misguided efforts are sure to yield only further bloodshed if the only objective is to remove Slobodan Milosevic from power. "Should the West fail to address the effects, not merely of a three-month air war in 1999, but of 120 years of miscalculation and indifference since the Congress of Berlin, then there will be little to distinguish NATO's actions from any of its great-power predecessors," Glenny concludes.
Glenny's provocative book sheds much light on recent Balkan history--and on the region's likely future. --Gregory McNamee [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Black Man's Burden : Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Britons: Forging The Nation, 1707-1837'
In this compelling book, Linda Colley recounts how a new British nation was invented in the wake of the Act of Union between England and Wales and Scotland in 1707. Skillfully interweaving political, military, and social history, Colley enlivens her story with colorful vignettes of the heroes and politicians, artists and writers, and ordinary women and men who helped forge a British national identity. Her book is a major contribution to our understanding of Britain`s past and to the contemporary debate about the shape and identity of Britain in the future. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism 1680-1800'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Encounters with Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The English: A Portrait of a People'
What is it about the English? Not the British overall, not the Scots, not the Irish or the Welsh, but the English. Why do they seem so unsure of who they are? As Jeremy Paxman remarks in his preface to The English, being English "used to be so easy". Now, with the Empire gone, with Wales and Scotland moving into more independent postures, with the troubling specter of a united Europe (and despite the raucous hype of "Cool Britannia"), the English seem to have entered a collective crisis of national identity.
Jeremy Paxman has set himself the task of finding just what exactly is going on. Why, he wonders, "do the English seem to enjoy feeling so persecuted? What is behind the English obsession with games? How did they acquire their odd attitudes to sex and food? Where did they get their extraordinary capacity for hypocrisy?" He ranges widely in pursuit of answers, sifting through literature, cinema, and history. It is an intriguing investigation, encompassing many aspects of national life and character (such as it is), including the obligatory visit to that baffling phenomenon, the funeral of Princess Diana. Yet Paxman finds something fresh and interesting to say about even that now rather threadbare topic. In the end, he seems to find further questions to ask instead of answers. But why not? To him it is a sign that the English are acquiring a new sense of self. And some indication of this might lie in the obvious response to his remark that the English, being top of the British Imperial tree, had nicknames for their fellow nationalities--Jock, Taffy, Paddy, and Mick--but there was no corresponding name for an Englishman. Of course, there is one now, and it comes from one of the bits of empire to which so many undesirables were exported: Whinging Pom. --Robin Davidson, Amazon.co.uk [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Ethnic Origins of Nations'
Aims to give an account of the ways in which nations and nationhood have evolved over time. Previously published in hardback, this paperback edition is intended for a student audience. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'For Love of Country: An Essay on Patriotism and Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'For Love of Country?'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism'
For Love of Country is a rare forum: a real conversation among some of our most prominent intellectuals about an issue of urgent public importance. At the center of this lively and utterly readable debate book is Martha Nussbaumís passionate argument against patriotism. At a time when our connections and obligations to the rest of the world grow only stronger, we should reject patriotism as a parochial ideal, she says, and instead see ourselves first of all as "citizens of the world."
Fifteen writers and thinkers respond to Nussbaum's piece in short, hard-hitting, often brilliant essays, acknowledging the power of her argument, but often defending patriotisms and other local commitments with an eloquence equal to Nussbaum's. We hear from an astonishing range of writers from Robert Pinsky to Cornel West to Gertrude Himmelfarb to Sissela Bok.
This is contemporary American philosophy at its most relevant and readable. At a time when debates about crises in Bosnia or Somalia are dominated by politicians and military leaders, here are the voices of philosophers and poets, literary scholars and historians. A book of surprising insights and diversity, For Love of Country is especially written for a wide audience and is sure to spark debate. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin And Spread of Nationalism'
What makes people love and die for nations, as well as hate and kill in their name? While many studies have been written on nationalist political movements, the sense of nationality - the personal and cultural feeling of belonging to the nation - has not received proportionate attention. In this widely acclaimed work, Benedict Anderson examines the creation and global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality. Anderson explores the processes that created these communities: the territorialisation of religious faiths, the decline of antique kingship, the interaction between capitalism and print, the development of vernacular languages-of-state, and changing conceptions of time. He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was modularly adopted by popular movements in Europe, by the imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa. This revised edition includes two new chapters, one of which discusses the complex role of the colonialist state's mindset in the development of Third World nationalism, while the other analyses the processes by which all over the world, nations came to imagine themselves as old. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776-1820'
In this innovative study, David Waldstreicher investigates the importance of political festivals in the early American republic. Drawing on newspapers, broadsides, diaries, and letters, he shows how patriotic celebrations and their reproduction in a rapidly expanding print culture helped connect local politics to national identity.
Waldstreicher reveals how Americans worked out their political differences in creating a festive calendar. Using the Fourth of July as a model, members of different political parties and social movements invented new holidays celebrating such events as the ratification of the Constitution, Washington's birthday, Jefferson's inauguration, and the end of the slave trade. They used these politicized rituals, he argues, to build constituencies and to make political arguments on a national scale.
While these celebrations enabled nonvoters to participate intimately in the political process and helped dissenters forge effective means of protest, they had their limits as vehicles of democratization or modes of citizenship, Waldstreicher says. Exploring the interplay of region, race, class, and gender in the development of a national identity, he demonstrates that an acknowledgment of the diversity and conflict inherent in the process is crucial to any understanding of American politics and culture. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'In the Name of Identity: Violence and the Need to Belong'
In the Name of Identity is as close to summer reading as philosophy gets. It is a personal, sometimes even intimate, account of identity-in-the-world, not a treatise on the thorny metaphysics of identity. A novelist by trade, Amin Maalouf is a fluid writer, and he is aided by Barbara Bray's award-winning translation. His aim is to illuminate the roots of violence and hatred, which he sees in tribalistic forms of identity. He argues that our convictions and notions of identity--whether cultural, religious, national, or ethnic--are socially habituated and frequently dangerous. We'd give them up, he argues, if we thought more closely about them.
Though the book has been heralded as radical and surprising, Maalouf essentially espouses an Enlightenment sensibility, a faith in the brotherhood of man. He is a believer in progress, arguing that "the wind of globalisation, while it could lead us to disaster, could also lead us to success." In fact, he envisions a globalized world in which our local identities are subordinated to a broader "allegiance to the human community itself." Maalouf wants us to retain our distinctiveness, but he wants it subsumed under the nave of common understanding. --Eric de Place [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Invention of Tradition'
Many of the traditions which we think of as very ancient in their origins were not in fact sanctioned by long usage over the centuries, but were invented comparative recently. This book explores examples of this process of invention - the creation of Welsh Scottish 'national culture'; the elaboration of British royal rituals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; the origins of imperial ritual in British India and Africa; and the attempts by radical movements to develop counter-traditions of their own. This book addresses the complex interaction of past and present, bringing together historicans and anthropologists in a fascinating study of ritual and symbolism which possess new questions for the understanding of our history. [via]
› Find signed collectible books: 'Jingo'
Terry Pratchett is a phenomenon unto himself. Never read a Discworld book? The closest comparison might be Monty Python and the Holy Grail, with its uniquely British sense of the absurd, and side-splitting, smart humor. Jingo is the 20th of Pratchett's Discworld novels, and the fourth to feature the City Guard of Ankh-Morpork. As Jingo begins, an island suddenly rises between Ankh-Morpork and Al-Khali, capital of Klatch. Both cities claim it. Lord Vetinari, the Patrician, has failed to convince the Ruling Council that force is a bad idea, despite reminding them that they have no army, and "I believe one of those is generally considered vital to the successful prosecution of a war." Samuel Vimes, Commander of the City Watch, has to find out who shot the Klatchian envoy, Prince Khufurah, and set fire to their embassy, before war breaks out.
Pratchett's characters are both sympathetic and outrageously entertaining, from Captain Carrot, who always finds the best in people and puts it to work playing football, to Sergeant Colon and his sidekick, Corporal Nobbs, who have "an ability to get out of their depth on a wet pavement." Then there is the mysterious D'reg, 71-hour Ahmed. What is his part in all this, and why 71 hours? Anyone who doesn't mind laughing themselves silly at the idiocy of people in general and governments in particular will enjoy Jingo. --Nona Vero [via]
› Find signed collectible books: 'Liberal Nationalism'
"This is a most timely, intelligent, well-written, and absorbing essay on a central and painful social and political problem of out time."--Sir Isaiah Berlin
"The major achievement of this remarkable book is a critical theory of nationalism, worked through historical and contemporary examples, explaining the value of national commitments and defining their moral limits. Tamir explores a set of problems that philosophers have been notably reluctant to take on, and leaves us all in her debt."--Michael Walzer
In this provocative work, Yael Tamir urges liberals not to surrender the concept of nationalism to conservative, chauvinist, or racist ideologies. In her view, liberalism, with its respect for personal autonomy, reflection, and choice, and nationalism, with its emphasis on belonging, loyalty, and solidarity are not irreconcilable. Here she offers a new theory, "liberal nationalism," which allows each set of values to accommodate the other. Tamir sees nationalism as an affirmation of communal and cultural memberships and as a quest for recognition and self-respect. Persuasively she argues that national groups can enjoy these benefits through political arrangements other than the nation-state. While acknowledging that nationalism places members of national minorities at a disadvantage, the author offers guidelines for alleviating the problems involved using examples from currents conflicts in the Middle East and in Eastern Europe.
Liberal Nationalismis an impressive attempt to tie together a wide range of issues often kept apart: personal autonomy, cultural membership, political obligations, particularity versus impartiality in moral duties, and global justice. Drawing on material from disparate fields--including political philosophy, ethics, law, and sociology--Tamir brings out important and previously unnoticed interconnections between them, offering a new perspective on the influence of nationalism on modern political philosophy.
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation: Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe'
Modern-day Europeans by the millions proudly trace back their national identities to the Celts, Franks, Gauls, Goths, Huns, or Serbs--or some combination of the various peoples who inhabited, traversed, or pillaged their continent more than a thousand years ago. According to Patrick Geary, this is historical nonsense. The idea that national character is fixed for all time in a simpler, distant past is groundless, he argues in this unflinching reconsideration of European nationhood. Few of the peoples that many Europeans honor as sharing their sense of ''nation'' had comparably homogeneous identities; even the Huns, he points out, were firmly united only under Attila's ten-year reign.
Geary dismantles the nationalist myths about how the nations of Europe were born. Through rigorous analysis set in lucid prose, he contrasts the myths with the actual history of Europe's transformation between the fourth and ninth centuries--the period of grand migrations that nationalists hold dear. The nationalist sentiments today increasingly taken for granted in Europe emerged, he argues, only in the nineteenth century. Ironically, this phenomenon was kept alive not just by responsive populations--but by complicit scholars.
Ultimately, Geary concludes, the actual formation of European peoples must be seen as an extended process that began in antiquity and continues in the present. The resulting image is a challenge to those who anchor contemporary antagonisms in ancient myths--to those who claim that immigration and tolerance toward minorities despoil ''nationhood.'' As Geary shows, such ideologues--whether Le Pens who champion ''the French people born with the baptism of Clovis in 496'' or Milosevics who cite early Serbian history to claim rebellious regions--know their myths but not their history.
The Myth of Nations will be intensely debated by all who understood that a history that does not change, that reduces the complexities of many centuries to a single, eternal moment, isn't history at all.
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories'
In this book, the prominent theorist Partha Chatterjee looks at the creative and powerful results of the nationalist imagination in Asia and Africa that are posited not on identity but on difference with the nationalism propagated by the West. Arguing that scholars have been mistaken in equating political nationalism with nationalism as such, he shows how anticolonialist nationalists produced their own domain of sovereignty within colonial society well before beginning their political battle with the imperial power. These nationalists divided their culture into material and spiritual domains, and staked an early claim to the spiritual sphere, represented by religion, caste, women and the family, and peasants. Chatterjee shows how middle-class elites first imagined the nation into being in this spiritual dimension and then readied it for political contest, all the while "normalizing" the aspirations of the various marginal groups that typify the spiritual sphere.
While Chatterjee's specific examples are drawn from Indian sources, with a copious use of Bengali language materials, the book is a contribution to the general theoretical discussion on nationalism and the modern state. Examining the paradoxes involved with creating first a uniquely non-Western nation in the spiritual sphere and then a universalist nation-state in the material sphere, the author finds that the search for a postcolonial modernity is necessarily linked with past struggles against modernity.
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nation and Narration'
Bhabha, in his preface, writes 'Nations, like narratives, lose their origins in the myths of time and only fully encounter their horizons in the mind's eye'.
From this seemingly impossibly metaphorical beginning, this volume confronts the realities of the concept of nationhood as it is lived and the profound ambivalence of language as it is written. From Gillian Beer's reading of Virginia Woolf, Rachel Bowlby's cultural history of Uncle Tom's Cabin and Francis Mulhern's study of Leaviste's 'English ethics'; to Doris Sommer's study of the 'magical realism' of Latin American fiction and Sneja Gunew's analysis of Australian writing, Nation and Narration is a celebration of the fact that English is no longer an English national consciousness, which is not nationalist, but is the only thing that will give us an international dimension. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'National Identity'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism'
This edition of Elie Kedourie's Nationalism brings back into print one of the classic texts of our times. With great elegance and lucidity, the author traces the philosophical foundations of the nationalist doctrine, the conditions which gave rise to it, and the political consequences of its spread in Europe and elsewhere over the past two centuries. As Isaiah Berlin wrote of the original edition, "Kedourie's account of these ideas and their effect is exemplary: clear, learned and just."
In a new introduction the author reflects upon the origins of the book and the relationship of his argument to contemporary nationalist conflicts. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism'
Nationalism is one of the most powerful forces in the modern world, yet its study has only recently gained popularity. This reader gives historical depth to the recent debates on nationalism and traces the development of thought on nationalism across a range of issues. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism and the State'
Combining historical perspective and theoretical analysis, this book provides an overview of modern nationalism. The text explores the recent developments in eastern and central Europe that have given the subject of nationalism a new significance. The author also addresses many of the debates that have arisen in current historiography and re-evaluates his own position. The book considers nationalism as a form of politics which arises in opposition to the modern state. In this light it is revealed as an appropriate way of advancing the interests of elites, social groups and other governments against a modern state. The author asserts that rather than emerging from a cultural sense of national identity, nationalism creates a sense of identity. He supports his argument with a broad-ranging analysis of a variety of examples - national opposition in early modern Europe; the unification movement in Germany, Italy and Poland; separatism under the Hapsburg and Ottoman empires; fascism in Germany, Italy and Romania; post-war anti-colonialism and the nationalist resurgence following the breakdown of Soviet power. [via]
› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity'
Nationalism is a movement and a state of mind that brings together national identity, consciousness, and collectivities. It accomplished the great transformation from the old order to modernity; it placed imagination above production, distribution, and exchange; and it altered the nature of power over people and territories that shapes and directs the social and political world. A five-country study that spans five hundred years, this historically oriented work in sociology bids well to replace all previous works on the subject. The theme, simple yet complex, suggests that England was the front-runner, with its earliest sense of selfconscious nationalism and its pragmatic ways; it utilized existing institutions while transforming itself. The Americans followed, with no formed institutions to impede them. France, Germany, and Russia took the same, now marked, path, modifying nationalism in the process.
Nationalism/title> is based on empirical data in four languages--legal documents; period dictionaries; memoirs; correspondence; literary works; theological, political, and philosophical writings; biographies; statistics; and histories. Nowhere else is the complex interaction of structural, cultural, and psychological factors so thoroughly explained. Nowhere else are concepts like identity, anomie, and elites brought so refreshingly to life.
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalism Its Meaning and History'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalisms and Sexualities'
Nationalisms and Sexualities departs from social scientific paradigms that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous entities. Its contributors respond instead to issues that redefine what is presently considered "the political:" the formation of sexual, gendered, racial, and/or class identities and it relation to the formation of national identities, and vice-versa; and the ways colonialism and postcolonialism, as well as technologies of representation, have contributed to the consolidations of national and sexual identities. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nations And Nationalism'
Nationalism is one of the most powerful forces in the modern world, yet it is surprisingly little studied and only imperfectly understood, either by its adherents or its opponents. Its irruption into the modern world is often explained as a resurgence of primitive, atavistic instincts, or as a delusion fostered by a few theoreticians, politicians or propagandists.
The present volume interprets nationalism in terms of its social roots, which it locates in industrial social organization. A society that aims for affluence and economic growth, Professor Gellner argues, depends on innovation, occupational mobility, mass media, universal literacy, and education in a shared, standard idiom. Taken together these transform the relationship between culture and the state. The functioning of the society depends on an all-embracing educational system, tied to one culture and protected by a state identified with that culture. The principle one state, one culture makes itself felt, and political units which do not conform to it feel the strain in the form of nationalist activity. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nations Without Nationalism'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Next American Nation : The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution'
Michael Lind's unsettling and ambitious new book brilliantly challenges the culture-war extremists of both the right and the left, develops a sweeping reinterpretation of American history, and offers an original vision of a better American future. Even at points of disagreement, I am greatly impressed by the toughness of Lind's intellect, the breadth of his knowledge, and the decency of his aspirations for our country. This book may well prove to be the most consequential book of the year--and several years to come. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought'
How can we think about peoples and cultures unlike our own? In the early modern period, the fact of human diversity presented Europeans with little cause for anxiety: they simply assumed the superiority of the West. During the eighteenth century this view was gradually abandoned, as thinkers argued that other peoples possessed reason and sensibility, and thus deserved the same respect that Westerners accorded themselves. Since that time, however, Enlightenment belief in the universals of human nature has fallen into disrepute; critics allege that such notions have had disastrous consequences in the twentieth century, ranging from prejudice to persecution and outright genocide.
Tzvetan Todorov, an internationally admired scholar, aims in this book to salvage the good name of the Enlightenment so that its ideas can once more inspire humane thought and action. The question he poses is of urgent relevance to the conflicts of our age: How can we avoid the dangers of a perverted universalism and scientism, as well as the pitfalls of relativism? Since the French were the ideologues of universalism and played a preeminent role in the diffusion of Enlightenment ideas in Europe, Todorov focuses on the French intellectual tradition, analyzing writers ranging from Montaigne through Tocqueville, Michelet, and Renan, to Lévi-Strauss. He shows how theories of human diversity were developed in the eighteenth century, and later systematically distorted. The virtues of Enlightenment thought became vices in the hands of nineteenth-century thinkers, as a result of racism, nationalism, and the search for exoticism. Todorov calls for us to reject this legacy and to strive once again for an acceptance of human diversity, through a "critical humanism" prefigured in the writings of Rousseau and Montesquieu.
This is a work of impressive erudition and insight--a masterly synthesis that can help us think incisively about the racial and ethnic tensions confronting the world today.
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› Find signed collectible books: 'On Identity'
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Origins of Totalitarianism'
The Origins of Totalitarianism is an indispensable book for understanding the frightful barbarity of the twentieth century. Suspicious of the inevitability so often imposed by hindsight, Hannah Arendt was not interested in detailing the causes that produced totalitarianism. Nothing in the nineteenth centuryindeed, nothing in human historycould have prepared us for the idea of political domination achieved by organizing the infinite plurality and differentiation of human beings as if all humanity were just one individual. Arendt believed that such a development marked a grotesque departure from all that had come before.
In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt sought to provide an historical account of the forces that crystallized into totalitarianism: The ebb and flow of nineteenth-century anti-Semitism (she deemed the Dreyfus Affair a dress rehearsal for the Final Solution) and he rise of European imperialism, accompanied by the invention of racism as the only possible rationalization for it. For Arendt, totalitarianism was a form of governance that eliminated the very possibility of political action. Totalitarian leaders attract both mobs and elites, take advantage of the unthinkability of their atrocities, target objective enemies (classes of people who are liquidated simply because of their group membership), use terror to create loyalty, rely on concentration camps, and are obsessive in their pursuit of global primacy. But even more presciently, Arendt understood that totalitarian solutions could well survive the demise of totalitarian regimes.
The Origins of Totalitarianism remains as essential a book for understanding our times as it was when it first appeared more than fifty years ago. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Pandaemonoim: Ethnicity in International Politics'
Ten years before the Soviet Union collapsed, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan stood almost alone in predicting its demise. As the intelligence community and cold war analysts churned out statistics demonstrating the enduring strength of the Moscow regime, Moynihan, focusing on ethnic conflict, argued that the end was at hand. Now, with such conflict breaking out across the world, from Central Asia to South Central Los Angeles, he sets forth a general proposition: Far from vanishing, ethnicity has been and will be an elemental force in international politics.
Drawing on a lifetime of scholarship, the Senator provides in Pandaemonium a subtle, richly textured account of the process by which theory has grudgingly begun to adapt to reality. Moynihan--whose previous studies range over thirty years from Beyond the Melting Pot (with Nathan Glazer) to the much acclaimed On the Law of Nations--provides a deep historical look at ethnic conflict around the globe. He shows how the struggles that now absorb our attention have been going on for generations and explain much of modern history. Neither side in the cold war grasped this reality, he writes. Neither the liberal myth of the melting pot nor the Marxist fantasy of proletarian internationalism could account for ethnic conflict, and so the international system stumbled from one set of miscalculations to another.
Toward the close of World War I, Woodrow Wilson declared the "self-determination of peoples" to be an Allied goal for the peace. Toward the end of World War II, Josef Stalin inserted "self-determination of peoples" into Article I of the United Nations Charter, defining "The Purposes" of the new world organization. This process has been going on ever since. The first phase, the breaking up of empire, was relatively peaceful. The second phase, presaged by the 1947 partition of India, is certain to be far more troubled, as fifty to a hundred new countries emerge.
Moynihan argues, however, that a dark age of "ethnic cleansing" is not inevitable; that the dynamics of ethnic conflict can be understood, anticipated, and moderated. Ethnic pride can be a source of dignity and of stability, if only its legitimacy is accepted. Moynihan writes in a learned, reflective voice: at times theoretical, but always in the end directed to issues of fierce immediacy. A splendid achievement, Pandaemonium begins the re-education of Western diplomacy. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union'
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Every few years, a book is published about America's role in the world and the changing contest of global affairs that gets everyone thinking in a new way. Amy Chua's WORLD ON FIRE will have exactly that kind of impact on the debate of how the world has changed in light of the events of last September.
Apostles of globalization, such as Thomas Friedman, believe that exporting free markets and democracy to other countries will increase peace and prosperity throughout the developing world; Amy Chua is the anti-Thomas Friedman. Her book wil be a dash of cold water in the face of globalists, techno-utopians, and liberal triumphalists as she shows that just the opposite has happened: When global markets open, ethnic conflict worsens and politics turns ugly and violent.
Drawing on examples from around the world--from Africa and Asia to Russia and Latin America--Chua examines how free markets do not spread wealth evenly throughout the whole of these societies. Instead they produce a new class of extremely wealthy plutocrats--individuals as rich as nations. Almost always members of a minority group--Chinese in the Philippines, Croatians in the former Yugoslavia, whites in Latin America, Indians in East Africa, Jews in post-communist Russia--these "market-dominant minorities" have become targets of violent hatred. Adding democracy to this volatile mix unleashes supressed ethnic hatreds and brings to power ethnonationalist governments that pursue aggressive policies of confiscation and revenge. Chua further shows how individual countries are often viewed as dominant minorities, explaining the phenomena of ethnic resentment in the Arab-Israeli conflict and the rising tide of anti-American sentiment around the world. This more than anything accounts for the visceral hatred of Americans that has been expressed in recent acts of terrorism.
Bold and original, WORLD ON FIRE is a perceptive examination of the far-reaching effects of exporting capitalism with democracy and its potentially catastrophic results. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: '1984'
En esta novela encontramos al lider unico cuya presencia es ante todo una abstraccion, la negacion del individuo, la sustraccion de la informacion: el Gran Hermano. Es, al mismo tiempo, una advertencia y un deseo. El autor ha construido una metafora del imaginario social del siglo XX, al describir un pais carcelario, vigilado por un lugar desde donde se ve a el y a todos. [via]
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Martha C. Nussbaum es profesora de Derecho y Ética en la Universidad de Chicago, así como autora de varios libros, entre los que se cuentan Love's Knowledge y Poetic Justice. El compilador del volumen, Joshua Cohen, es profesor de Filosofía y Ciencias Políticas en el MIT y editor de la Boston Review. Este libro está concebido como un fórum, un excitante debate entre algunos de los más destacados intelectuales del momento acerca del modo en que debemos encauzar nuestras lealtades y nuestros intereses en este instante preciso de la historia. En el centro de la discusión, de cualquier forma, está Martha Nussbaum, con su apasionante concepto del «cosmopolitismo». Según afirma, nuestras conexiones con el resto del mundo se están haciendo cada vez más fuertes, por lo que debemos desconfiar del concepto tradicional de «patriotismo» entendiéndolo como una idea provinciana y, en su lugar, contemplarnos a nosotros mismos como «ciudadanos del mundo». Tras esto, dieciséis ensayistas y pensadores responden al alegato de Nussbaum en artículos breves pero contundentes, reconociendo el poder de sus argumentos, pero también, en ocasiones, defendiendo el patriotismo y otras variantes de los lazos comunales en un sentido estrictamente localista. Y así, un amplio abanico de especialistas ?filósofos y poetas, profesores de literatura e historiadores? hace oír sus voces hasta que Nussbaum vuelve a defender el ideal cosmopolita en un emocionante ensayo final. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Nineteen Eighty-four'
En esta novela encontramos al lider unico cuya presencia es ante todo una abstraccion, la negacion del individuo, la sustraccion de la informacion: el Gran Hermano. Es, al mismo tiempo, una advertencia y un deseo. El autor ha construido una metafora del imaginario social del siglo XX, al describir un pais carcelario, vigilado por un lugar desde donde se ve a el y a todos. [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Ulises / Ulysses'
"el orondo Buck Mulligan llegó por el hueco de la escalera, portando un cuenco lleno de espuma sobre el que un espejo y una navaja de afeitar se cruzaban. Un batín amarillo, desatado, se ondulaba delicadamente a su espalda en el aire apacible de la mañana. Elevó el cuenco y entonó: -Introibo ad altare Dei." [via]
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› Find signed collectible books: 'Les Identites Meurtrieres'
" Depuis que j'ai quitté le Liban pour m'installer en France, que de fois m'a-t-on demandé, avec les meilleures intentions du monde, si je me sentais " plutôt français " ou " plutôt libanais ". Je réponds invariablement : " L'un et l'autre ! " Non par quelque souci d'équilibre ou d'équité, mais parce qu' en répondant différemment, je mentirais. Ce qui fait que je suis moi-même et pas un autre, c'est que je suis ainsi à la lisière de deux pays, de deux ou trois langues, de plusieurs traditions culturelles. C'est cela mon identité ? "
Partant d'une question anodine qu'on lui a souvent posée, Amin Maalouf s'interroge sur la notion d'identité, sur les passions qu'elle suscite, sur ses dérives meurtrières. Pourquoi est-il si difficile d'assumer en toute liberté ses diverses appartenances ? Pourquoi faut-il, en cette fin de siècle, que l'affirmation de soi s'accompagne si souvent de la négation d'autrui ? Nos sociétés seront-elles indéfiniment soumises aux tensions, aux déchaînements de violence, pour la seule raison que les êtres qui s'y côtoient n'ont pas tous la même religion, la même couleur de peau, la même culture d'origine ? Y aurait-il une loi de la nature ou une loi de l'Histoire qui condamne les hommes à s'entretuer au nom de leur identité ?
C'est parce qu'il refuse cette fatalité que l'auteur a choisi d'écrire les Identités meurtrières, un livre de sagesse et de lucidité, d'inquiétude mais aussi d'espoir.
Amin Maalouf a publié les Croisades vues par les Arabes, ainsi que six romans : Léon l'Africain, Samarcande, les jardins de lumière, le Premier siècle après Béatrice, le Rocher de Tanios et les Echelles du Levant. [via]
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